Died the leader of the "Working Russia" Viktor Anpilov. Anpilov Victor I. Biography Viktor Anpilov politician biography

Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Coordinating Council of the Labor Russia movement, member of the "shadow workers' and peasants' government", member of the Central Committee of the RCWP, member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee, secretary of the Central Committee of the RCWP, secretary of the Moscow Organizing Bureau of the RCRP, member of the Duma of the "National Council of the USSR", member of the Coordinating Council of the movement "Fatherland" ".

"Leader of the Communists Soviet Union", "Che Guevara of Russian everyday life", "Daniel Ortega of Moscow rallies", "man-tribune", "Fidel Castro of Labor Russia", "the hoarse flute of the outgoing communist era" - and this is all about him, about Viktor Ivanovich Anpilov.

Anpilov - unusual phenomenon in current Russian politics, a prominent figure in the opposition, clearly ambiguous and contradictory, causing a variety of polar assessments. Someone is already trying on him the cassock of priest Gapon, "pushing people into bloody clashes," and someone - the star of the "Hero of the Soviet Union." In the public mind, his name is strongly associated with rallies, pickets, processions and "marches", "assaults" and "sieges":

Comrade Anpilov,

hand out the ammo

And lead us into battle

General Makashov!

The democratic press pours out an avalanche of curses and ridicule on him, they scare children, but what about children, the whole society - "Anpilov and his ilk will come to power ...". At the same time, he is his own, close, understandable to others, they fanatically worship him, they follow him, they exalt him. Here he is with a clear, sweeping step goes to the podium, a wave of his hand, a clenched fist as a sign of greeting ("together we will win!") - and the audience applauds. He is the undisputed leader, even a small part of the people, and it seems that no one refuses him this. And with what epithets he is "awarded": "indomitable", "frantic", "restless", "possessed Habakkuk"... There are legends about him. What in Anpilov is true, and what is fiction?

Viktor Anpilov was born on October 2, 1945 in the Kuban in the village of Belaya Glina, Beloglinsky district Krasnodar Territory, in the cradle of the Russian party nomenclature. Viktor Ivanovich once remarked that he "probably swam in the same river with Gorbachev." The newspaper Vesti Cities of the South made a generally sensational report: “Gorbachev’s neighbor in the village was none other than Viktor Ampilov. through "m") in Gorbachev's garden"). There were six children in the family, Victor was the youngest. His paternal ancestors were potters, they came to the south of Russia from the Voronezh province. On the maternal side, the ancestors were peasants and blacksmiths. Victor's grandfather was dispossessed in the 1930s. The father returned from the war disabled and named his son in honor of the victory Victor ("winner"). Victor was in childhood, by his own admission, "hooligan and proud." Already from the fourth grade he began to work - in the summer, during school holidays, at the harvest in his native collective farm "The Way to Communism". "He worked well. Even now they remember that Victor did not take time off," Anpilov recalls. It was then, in his opinion, that he received his first lesson in Marxism. In any case, I tried to be the first. "In the countryside, a muddler is not respected, they value people" with a twinkle. "And girls love just such." In the early 50s, an incident occurred that influenced the future fate of Victor. His father was undeservedly fired from his job and he wrote a letter to Stalin. The letter was considered. Ivan Anpilov was reinstated at work. Since then, Anpilov Jr. has become an ideological Stalinist.

Victor left home early (at the age of 14). Studied since 1960 at the vocational school in Taganrog, in 1962-1964. worked as a fitter at the Taganrog combine plant. At the same time, he continued his studies at the evening secondary school for working youth. Then he received his first award "for the successful combination of study and work." And he faced the first blows of fate: "in the dining room of the school I stared at the huge painting of Shishkin" Morning in a Pine Forest ", and when I turned around, the pies that I received as a duty officer were not there - they were simply stolen. Then I had to give the whole group pies. Then - the army, service in rocket troops Carpathian military district (1964-1967). There he became interested in languages, taught Byron's poems in English. At one time he was fond of the natural sciences, atomic physics, studied the works of Rutherford, trying to understand the energy secrets of the decay of the atomic nucleus, and at the same time read a lot of the classics, was fond of poetry, Latin. But still went on a humanitarian path. During the year after the army (1967-1968) he worked as a correspondent for the Beloglinsk regional newspaper "The Way of October", and then he was sent on a Komsomol ticket to the capital's university at the international department of the faculty of journalism.

According to the recollections of classmates, Victor stood out for his temperament, cockiness, "always in disputes, like a stone in an apricot." He commanded respect: he was the head of the course, fresh from the army, he independently learned English, "clicked" Spanish, joined the CPSU (in 1971). "I studied obsessively and just as obsessively participated in construction teams, field work and student amateur performances", "I could sit by the fire all night, and the next day I still work for real."

Victor "raved" about revolutionary Latin America, was an avid Hispanicist, translated Federico Garcia Lorca and Juan Ruiz, played in student theater in small plays in Spanish, most often played the role of a positive Soviet student. I also remember his satirical works in the DDT (voluntary drama theater "DUST"), which invariably drew a full house in a hostel on the Lenin Hills. Many of those who knew Anpilov then tend to draw analogies with those "amateur performances" that he plays today on the squares and streets of Moscow. While studying in his third year, Victor and his friends, international journalists, already made programs for Chile on the Moscow international broadcast. They wrote the scripts themselves, voiced them themselves.

Remembering Victor the student with sympathy, some classmates, however, are not surprised at his current political position: “No, he was neither a bright personality nor an intellectual. Rather, a rather friendly, sometimes even too open eccentric - violently emotional, always something then inspired." "He always lacked intellect, although he always gravitated towards intellectuals, but ideological ideas splashed out through his ears." His current communist choice, as noted by many who knew him before, is not a tribute to conjuncture: "he really is like that."

After graduating from the journalism department of Moscow State University, Viktor worked on the radio, "broadcast" to Latin America. The professional level of his broadcasts, according to some estimates, was "monstrous" (they say that the young journalist's materials were edited 5-6 times). But energy escaped from Anpilov - once he told Cuban listeners about how he conquered the Moscow peak - he climbed the scaffolding to the dome of St. Basil's Cathedral). At the same time, Anpilov is improving his Spanish. He manages to read the "Bible" in Spanish, quoting by heart large chunks of their Garcia Lorca, Pablo Neruda, Nicolas Guillen. As a result, Anpilov turned out to be the most famous Moscow journalist in Cuba (every day it is his voice on the air!). Constant training at an unconnected microphone led to the fact that Viktor Ivanovich was one of the first, before the advent of live broadcast, to start working at a microphone without text. Moreover, the Cubans trusted Anpilov so much that they broadcast his reviews live. Many times, confidential stories of Viktor Ivanovich were broadcast on Cuban television, then viewers could see a screen saver on the screens - with a photograph of Anpilov against the backdrop of Red Square. When M. Gorbachev visited Havana in 1988 and Anpilov was among his companions, it turned out that the Cuban communists revere Viktor Ivanovich much more than the President of the USSR.

In 1973-1974 Viktor Ivanovich works as a translator at the Cuban Institute of Oil in Havana (through the State Committee for Foreign Economic Relations of the USSR). “It was very easy for me to get to Cuba,” Anpilov recalls. We don’t take it from the street, but one department, Soyuzgazprom, seized on this proposal.

Upon returning to the Union, he was "on free bread" for several months, earned money by translations on occasion, then for three years he worked as a correspondent for the regional newspaper "Leninets" in the city of Vidnoye, Moscow Region. In 1977 he moved to Moscow, became a correspondent and then a political commentator for the Spanish edition of the USSR State Radio and Television. In 1984, he went as a staff correspondent to "heroic Nicaragua" during the US naval blockade of the country. A trip there at" hot spot", Victor considered it his duty as a journalist. By his own admission, he was always attracted by aggravated, extreme situations. In Nicaragua, Anpilov constantly traveled to combat areas, was with a TV camera in the hottest battles, made reports. In the winter of 1984/85, Anpilov's voice on the radio, in the usual "groovy" manner, he talked about the struggle of the Sandinistas with the "Contras". light hand"His Sandinista comrades Victor began to be called a war correspondent. Remembering that time, Victor says:

“There were friends there, people ready to protect you. I remember that I was very tired after the battle. It was in the Matagalpa area. I’m going to the mountains with a machine gun with the Bolivar battalion. I carry batteries in my backpack, some other weight. "Already my heart is pounding, it's hot. A sergeant comes up to me and encourages me: "Victor! Only the pig looks down when it is looking for food. And the man looks up. This is what makes us different!" A very simple guy, but he taught: you have to look up!"

It was in those years that Victor "literally became saturated with the spirit of Che Guevara and Comandante Fidel." He always bowed before the Latin American communists. “I simply adore Ernesto Che Guevara,” Anpilov admits, “he traveled his roads in Cuba. I love Che for his honesty, openness, for the fact that he was a minister at the same time and could load sugar into the holds ... ". But nevertheless, "our Russian worker" S.M. Kirov was and remains an ideal for him - "he has something to take, to learn perseverance, conviction."

The return to Moscow was unexpected and ahead of schedule. This is how Anpilov's colleague, at that time a member of the party bureau at the Soviet embassy Vladimir Dolgov, describes him: guests, put down a bottle of vodka and started anti-Soviet conversations. The tipsy operator spoke frankly. Meanwhile, the hospitable host quietly recorded his statements on a tape recorder. Then he handed over the cassette with the recording to the embassy with a request to send it "where it should be" ... However, in 1985 he was recalled from Nicaragua was Anpilov and began working as a commentator for the All-Russian television and radio company Radio Rossii.In 1990, he quit, motivating his decision by the fact that "here the course towards the capitalization of the USSR and the slanderous bias in covering the history of the country triumphed."

"The point of application of his energy", by his own admission, Viktor Ivanovich found in political activity. He interprets his goal in politics very simply: "to ensure that each of my compatriots has the opportunity to study, work, see other countries for free." "When you concentrate completely on party work, when, sometimes under conspiracy, you live on the money of your socio-political organization, when a hoarse megaphone becomes a magic flute of a rat-catcher, leading the crowd, when the son, caressing his father's ear, says that "he is for Lenin" , then this means that for a person the political struggle has become a matter of life," journalist Dmitry Belovetsky wrote about Anpilov.

“In 1985, I (and probably everything,” says Viktor Ivanovich, “believed Gorbachev, but then, in 1987, I realized that Gorbachev was a traitor. I sharply joined in creating opposition to Gorbachev’s course. First (in 1990 ) joined the OFT (United Front of Workers)." Anpilov is one of the organizers of the Leningrad Initiative Congress of Communists (October 20-21, 1990) and one of the founders of the Communist Initiative Movement (DKI). He sharply exposes the "anti-Soviet" nature of M. Gorbachev's reforms, his policy of "restructuring socialism into capitalism."

In the spring of 1990, Anpilov ran for election to the people's deputies of the RSFSR. According to the memoirs of the deputy of the Moscow Council V. Kuznetsov, Viktor Ivanovich "with incredible difficulties" was nominated as a candidate for the deputies of Russia. A group of volunteers represented his program in working areas. “A gang of jocks, on orders from above, provoked massacres in the foyer and halls where Anpilov spoke. He was threatened. exposed the failed practice of the former dictators - the top of the CPSU", "teared the masks off the democrats, yesterday's Bolsheviks".

Having lost in the elections to "ex-Vzglyadov" Vladimir Mukusev, Anpilov at the same time wins in the Solntsevsky district in the elections to the Moscow Council and becomes a deputy. In April 1991 Viktor Ivanovich became a professional politician. He, who has a fairly prestigious job, a decent salary, leaves the international editorial office of Ostankino and in May 1991 is nominated as a candidate for mayor of Moscow (together with V.S. Chetverikov, associate professor at the Higher Law School of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs), but does not collect the required amount signatures in support to register their candidacy.

Anpilov in the Moscow City Council “does not stop fighting”: “From the very beginning of my work in the Moscow City Council, I realized that Popov abruptly took a course towards capitalization. Somehow, during a break in the meeting, I approached him and said: red can not be solved." No blood, that is. He immediately understood me and answered without a shadow of embarrassment: "Apparently, you are right." I must say that Popov respects me..." Anpilov sees his duty in "denouncing these leaders, revealing their essence, fighting to democratically remove them from the main path of human development. This path is not private property. This is a planned economy and, of course, public property." According to the deputies, in the Moscow City Council Viktor Ivanovich was remembered for his "extremely orthodox" speeches, sweeping criticism of the "so-called democrats", calls to return to a "bright future." Anpilov characterizes his position as follows: " As a people's deputy, I have never been involved in conspiracies "with the aim of forcibly seizing power." Vice versa! I sought to ensure that people who seized power by fraudulent or illegal means were known to society, as well as their deeds.

On August 19, 1991, Victor, according to him, "was met normally" - the statement of the State Committee for the State of Emergency "in spirit corresponded to his convictions." According to Anpilov, “the real putsch began when Gorbachev entered the meeting room of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, decorated with a tricolor flag. The putsch was also indicated when, on August 22, Gavriil Popov at a meeting of the Moscow City Council proposed to award Yeltsin the title of Hero of the Soviet Union with the award of the Order of Lenin. Alas , such a significant proposal of our mayor did not pass. And it would be nice if the main destroyer of the USSR became a Hero of the Soviet Union. "

Fall 1991. Democrats in the euphoria of victory. It seems that communism is overthrown forever. But already on September 14, at the call of the Council of Workers of Moscow, Anpilov was collecting fragments of the broken Moscow party organization in the very center of the capital, near Red Square, leading the communists and their non-party supporters to the first "living chain" in defense of the Museum and Mausoleum of V.I. Lenin, and then to the permanent open party meeting, which gathered around itself supporters of the creation of the Russian Communist Workers' Party (RCWP). Victor's comrade-in-arms, member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RKRP V. Tyulkin testifies: "Anpilov started from scratch when many were confused. But units of fighters turned into tens, tens into hundreds, and hundreds turned into hundreds of thousands. He has already entered the history of the Communist Party. Well , and in order to enter the history of the state, the whole party must already work hard here.

Anpilov participates in the work of the Constituent Congress of the RCWP, which was held in two stages (November 23-24, 1991 in Yekaterinburg and December 5-6, 1992 in Chelyabinsk), is elected a member of the Central Committee of the party, a member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee (responsible for work in Moscow ). From December 1991 he was the secretary of the Moscow Organizing Bureau of the RKRP, in November 1991 he was the main organizer of the Labor Moscow movement (later on October 25, 1992 - Labor Russia), a member of its Coordinating Council and the de facto leader of the movement.

From November 1991 to the summer-autumn of 1992, a wave of "anti-government" rallies and protest demonstrations rises in Moscow. At the head of the columns is the unchanging Viktor Anpilov. He is one of the most active organizers of the "March of Hungry Queues", "March to the White House", demonstrations on February 23, 1992, the All-People's Veche on March 17 and October 24, the "anti-fascist march" on May 9, the "siege of the empire of lies" in Ostankino on 12-22 June 1992 with a demand to give "the word to the people" on television. The editor-in-chief of the Den newspaper A. Prokhanov testifies to Victor's ability to lead people along: “I admire Anpilov. This is a temperament and character that is rare in our times. He is followed by huge masses of people. to lead crowds of thousands from the Krymsky bridge to the Kremlin. People believe in him. I see his soulful face, then I see how tired he is, what a terrible load he is, as he is sometimes exhausted. Such an unbending will he has ... I always I am proud when I stand with Anpilov on the same podium and we walk in the same march. And here is what Viktor Ivanovich himself believes: “In order to lead oneself, one needs passion and the power of persuasion. Now many are still inactive, but not because they are humble, but because they are deceived. We need to help them open their eyes to what is happening. We have a very freedom-loving and a steadfast people, they proved this with a thousand-year history of the struggle against enslavers and invaders. Apparently, the energy of action inherent in the people is also in my character. " And one more thing: "It is necessary to raise questions resolutely, sharply, without intellectual vagueness and timid wobbling. Then people will follow us!"

Already in the winter of 1991, the first clash between Anpilov and OMON took place. On December 15, in the center of Moscow, he was detained by the police "for organizing an unsanctioned rally." During the arrest, according to the testimony of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, "he resisted, lay down on the ground, called on those around him to repulse the police." According to the "detainee" himself, "fifteen "democratic" OMON officers dragged him into their bus after the rally at the Lenin Museum and severely beat him." Then, on the fact of Anpilov's detention and beating, the prosecutor's office of the Leninsky district of Moscow opened a criminal case. Statements followed that the Moscow riot police were allegedly not involved in the incident with the people's deputy, that this was the work of President B. Yeltsin's guards. The case was soon dismissed without explanation.

Since the second half of 1992, the rally activity of the masses has clearly been declining. Anpilov's authority is also falling. The spring-summer 1992 campaign to collect signatures for the resignation of President B. Yeltsin fails. Without trying to analyze the reasons for the failure, Viktor Ivanovich and his inner circle blame the campaign activists for the supposedly destroyed signature lists. This was followed in June 1992 by a two-week "Ostankino standing". On June 15, the Anpilovites "punch a hole" in the defense of the Democrats. Yegor Yakovlev, chairman of the television center, is forced to receive representatives of opposition parties and movements. This was a surprise for the picketers. They did not even have the full texts of the demands, and "they put two slogans on the negotiating table." Only Anpilov was able to clearly state his positions. In addition to political demands, a claim was made that "the employees of the television center show bare asses to the picket participants." In 4 hours E.Yakovlev promises to provide the opposition leaders with regular broadcasts from July. He kept his promise and for some time discussions with the participation of the opposition were broadcast, though not with those who achieved this. In any case, Anpilov was not given a word. And the picketing ended with bloody clashes between the "inhabitants of the Liberated Territory of the USSR" near the Ostankino TV tower and the police. Rumors spread about the dead and numerous wounded. Then the appeals of a number of party comrades to cold reason had no effect on the "leader". According to their testimonies, "in Ostankino everything was built on emotions, on the endless whipping up of passions. After that, the "leader" was hidden, leaving the life and health of other people as a pledge of his ambitions." Anpilov's emotionality in such extreme, aggravated situations really overflows, he seems to be ignited by the crowd, feeling in his element, and the constant pumping of excitement is in his style. "But you can visit the workshops, listen to how the workers speak about the current policy ... They don't hold back their emotions there," Victor says. To the accusations of his political opponents that his calls at rallies at a certain moment can "blow up" society, pushing it to a civil war, Anpilov calmly replies: "I do not seek confrontation and whipping up passions - why needlessly get into a fist fight when it is possible to resolve the issue in a peaceful and calm way?... Yes, we are speaking out harshly. This is a criminal government, and we will fight it. But by legal methods and within the framework of the law. We are well aware that they are trying to provoke us in order to then blame for possible consequences. Therefore, we check each step. We make politics with clean hands, all our actions are permissible within the framework of the rule of law."

The social base of the "Working Russia" headed by Anpilov is gradually shrinking. Part of the “leftist” intelligentsia recoils from it, having joined the movement in the autumn of 1991, but not accepting a return to the past, the exaltation of Stalin and Stalinism, beginning to understand that the positive result of the struggle under the leadership of Anpilov compared with the expended efforts and sacrifices is negligible. Nor does Anpilov find support among the working class, whose interests he considers himself to represent. At the Lublin Casting and Mechanical Plant, casters once told him: "You are striving for power, and you will be the same as all of them ...". "So," says Anpilov, "the workers told me." Viktor Ivanovich admits that the communists have not yet been able to "get through" to the main producers - workers, engineers, scientists. He explains this as an information blockade and believes that the communists will definitely win over the masses. According to Anpilov's associate Vladimir Shebarshin, a worker at the Hammer and Sickle plant: "If the opposition is given fifteen minutes of a daily information program, then there will be no need for any rallies and marches, everyone will see the deceitfulness of the current government, and it will fail by itself."

The "leader" is often "carried away". They tell him: "there is no reason for holding a rally," but he still insists on it. He throws "incendiary" leaflets into the crowd, such as: "Comrades! The anti-Soviet gang of Gorbachev, who seized power by deceit, destroyed the USSR, unleashed a war between fraternal peoples, handed over the working people to be torn to pieces by speculators. There is no limit to betrayal! It's time to act! Be bolder, comrades! us decisive action!" And does not find the former unanimous support. B. Nikolaev, worker: "I don't believe Anpilov. I'm afraid he's a man called to 'let off steam' with the people. He leads us in circles. Almost half a million Veche was gathered on March 17 (1992 - author) in Moscow, but the authorities remained from a bunch of occupiers...". An incorrect assessment of the political situation, running ahead, the desire to pass off wishful thinking, the "Trotskyite game of seizing power" gave rise to such Anpilov slogans as: "By May 1, we will take power into our own hands!", "We will hoist the Red Flag over the Kremlin on November 7" and etc. Most of his opponents are still inclined to believe that Viktor Ivanovich really believes in those slogans that he "throws" into the crowd. Answering the question whether he himself believes in communism, Anpilov says: “I do not recognize blind faith, everything needs to be questioned. But if a scientific idea has stood the test of time, if it is confirmed by facts and scientific research, then it is fruitful. to protect her." Communism, in his opinion, "has become a part of our consciousness, sits in our genes, is rooted in the Russian community, in the primordially existing idea of ​​collectivism and justice."

According to many, Anpilov "fights for the idea, not thinking about what he will feed the people the day after the seizure of power. He is not even a communist - he is an anarchist." It is curious that one of the prominent representatives of the Russian anarchist movement also defines Anpilov's place within the framework of "pure anarcho-communism." And Anpilov himself: "... I am uncompromising and everywhere I say: I am a communist. I like it. I don't like it ... I am a communist and I want happiness for my people."

By the end of 1992, Anpilov's activities and his leadership style led to a virtual split both in the RCWP and in Labor Russia. The ranks of his supporters are leaving R. Kosolapov, who created the "Leninist platform in the RCRP", A. Makashov, M. Titov and many others. They accuse Anpilov and his entourage of "sectarian, isolationist" positions in relation to the unification processes in the communist movement, of "actually fencing off the "tops" of the RCRP from the national liberation movement of the Russian and other peoples of the country, from the patriotic opposition in the person of the National Salvation Front. Anpilov claims were also filed for "tough authoritarian, uncomradely style of leadership", "excessive enthusiasm for one-sided rally-picket tactics", for "leaderism" and "the cult of personality that arose purely on the basis of rallies in Moscow", for "demagogy and authoritarianism", surrounding oneself exclusively "loyal people" in the leadership of the movement to establish "dictatorship" over it, intolerance towards dissidents, etc. On January 3, 1993, Anpilov's supporters picketed the headquarters of "Labor Moscow". at the same time: “We won't let you in because you don't agree with Anpilov.” And this happened two days before, at the request of the authorities, Trudovaya Moskva had to leave the premises of the headquarters. And involuntarily, many then had a question that has remained unanswered to this day: "Anpilov really does not understand what he is doing in the heat of his" glory "or ...?".

Anpilov is accused of collaborating with the KGB, and not only by the Democrats. But this does not upset Viktor Ivanovich: "a communist, if he is a real communist, must think about the most important thing - the security of his state. And if every communist was a KGB agent in this sense, then the Union would hardly have collapsed."

Despite the seriousness of the accusations against him, Viktor Ivanovich continues to remain in leadership positions and multiplies their number. On February 22, 1992, he was elected a member of the Coordinating Council of the All-Russian Patriotic Movement "Fatherland", on March 17, 1992 - a member of the Duma of the "National Veche"; in October of the same year at the II All-Russian Congress Councils of workers, peasants, specialists and employees in Nizhny Novgorod - a member of the "shadow Soviet government" along with A. Makashov, A. Tuleev and others. At the founding congress of Labor Russia on October 25, 1992, he was re-elected as a member of the Coordinating Council, and at the first meeting of the new council, as a member of the executive committee and its chairman.

Anpilov is also the founder and editor of the Molniya newspaper, published since 1990 first as a newspaper of the DKI and OFT, then as a "newspaper of the workers' movement", and since June 1992 it has become an official organ of the Central Committee of the RKRP. "Lightning" in May 1993 was printed in sixty thousand copies. According to Viktor Ivanovich, it is published on donations from citizens: "We live on people's alms, thanks to which we distribute part of the circulation for free." He is also one of the initiators of the collection of signatures in support of the draft "Soviet Constitution", developed by a group led by a member of the Central Committee of the RKRP, People's Deputy of Russia Yu. Slobodkin (from February 16 to May 16, 1993, 1 million 90 thousand signatures were collected).

In connection with the appointment by the Moscow City Council of the election of the mayor of Moscow for December 1992, on September 27, Anpilov was nominated as a candidate for the head of administration (together with the well-known prosecutor, accuser of M. Gorbachev V. Ilyukhin) on the traditional "live chain" of the defenders of the Museum and the Mausoleum V. I. Lenin. Then his candidacy is supported by a 1,500-strong assembly of voters in the Oktyabrsky district of the capital. True, the elections never took place. By the way, in his election program, for the first time, the thesis about nationally proportional representation in government bodies and the mass media, about the division of power not only on social, but also on national grounds, was voiced.

Viktor Ivanovich rejects accusations of "leaderism", although he admits: "The question of leaderism is very complex. To become a physicist, you need youth! And to become a leader, you must be young. Unfortunately, I am no longer a young man ...". "We have many excellent leaders," Anpilov said. "Take Teimuraz Avaliani, a well-known party figure from Kuzbass. "People of the state, by and large worried about the fate of the people," Viktor Ivanovich also considers S. Umalatova, V. Ilyukhin, V. Nosov, "so we have people."

Victor considers the RCWP to be "the most powerful Russian Communist Party", constantly opposes it to the Communist Party of Russia (CP RF) under the leadership of G. Zyuganov, declares that "its strength is constantly growing", that "RCWP is a party of struggle", invariably emphasizes its class character. "Zyuganov is a man of the smartest soul, but a 'dunk'," Anpilov believes, "he took a compromising position with respect to the Yeltsin government, dragging the communists with him." It is no coincidence that Anpilov strives for demonstrative oppositions: when on February 13-14, 1993, the II Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place near Moscow, an alternative congress of communists, organized by the RKRP, was held in DC GPZ-1. And even the number of delegates who arrived was proportionate: 695 and 539, respectively. The essence of the program of the RCWP is simple: "the restoration of Soviet power in the country and the rebuff to the offensive of" wild "capitalism." He is flattered by the fact that the Democrats consider the RCWP of all the current communist parties "the most dangerous both for democracy and for domestic entrepreneurs; and not only due to the cruelty of methods, but also due to a cunning game on the simplest instincts of the crowd." Victor sees his future in party work and does not aspire to government posts. He is also going to continue his studies in journalism as the editor of Lightning.

Anpilov is constantly in the spotlight. And the authorities often "play along" with him in this, raising his faltering popularity from time to time. In August 1992, President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin himself "initiates" a criminal case against him "for calling for the overthrow of the existing state system" during the Ostankino campaign and on the facts of his speeches in the city of Tula. In his "Confession on a Forced Subject: For Whom Does Prison Cry?" Viktor Ivanovich answers the accusers with the words of the Gospel of Matthew: “Woe to you, lawyers and Pharisees, that you are likened to painted coffins, which look beautiful on the outside, but inside are full of the bones of the dead and all kinds of uncleanness; so you also seem to be righteous people on the outside, but inside are full of hypocrisy and lawlessness."

May 1, 1993 Festive May Day demonstration on October Square in the capital. Anpilov with other "leaders" of the opposition carries away the column along the "unauthorized" route along Leninsky Prospekt. The result - bloody (already the third! in a row, but unprecedented in terms of cruelty and the number of victims) clashes between demonstrators and riot police near Gagarin Square. The authorities are accusing the opposition of deliberate provocation, inciting and unleashing a civil war, demanding that the organizers of the demonstration be brought to justice. On May 8, after explanations in the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation about the tragic May Day events, Viktor was suddenly kidnapped by "eight strong young people", handcuffed and a bag over his head, taken from Moscow to the Kryukovo station area, beaten (injuries to the chest and a broken finger on left hand, many bruises). At the end of the demonstration on May 9 in the capital, which did without excesses, they were released not far from the village of Sokolovo near Moscow, having taken away documents and 300 thousand rubles from the party fund. In the hospital, Anpilov, unable to speak, writes on a piece of paper: "We will not be intimidated. Victory will be ours." Later, he recalled: "I was waiting for the murder and mentally said goodbye to my comrades, remembered my Brazilian and Syrian friends." Anpilov becomes the hero of the front pages of almost all major publications, both oppositional and democratic. The "mysteriousness" of history gives rise to many versions and rumors, up to participation in the kidnapping of "Zyuganov's supporters", "showdowns" of "Memory" and others. According to one of the leaders of the opposition, People's Deputy of Russia V. Isakov, "someone really wanted a conflict to occur at the May 9 festive demonstration ... The calculation was that, having learned about Anpilov's abduction, his supporters would explode, attack to the police, and this will give reason to blame the demonstrators. But they turned out to be wiser." Relatives and associates of the victim believe that OMON took revenge on Anpilov (“they professionally beat him with a pistol on his fingers”), but Mikhail Sergeev, deputy head of the Moscow OMON, called this version “stupidity.” Viktor Ivanovich himself believes that he was "put out of action in order to turn him off from the investigations of the May 1 massacre on Leninsky Prospekt." And a few days later, on May 24, a special session of the Moscow City Council refused by a majority of votes to give consent to the city prosecutor's office to involve V. I. Anpilov to administrative responsibility for changing the route of movement of columns on May 1, recognizing that "he acted out of extreme necessity." In August, in an interview with the Megapolis-Express newspaper, the disgraced Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, explaining the reasons for his resignation, named as one of them the refusal to comply with the order - "Erin called me on ATS-1 on May 7 and demanded that I isolate Anpilov, in order to exclude his participation in the festive rally.

And now, at a "sermon" at the Museum of V.I. In the same place, one of the closest associates of Viktor Ivanovich, the poet Boris Gunko, calls on his like-minded people to start collecting signatures for conferring the title of Hero of the Soviet Union on the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the RKRP V.I. As conceived by B. Gunko, the permanent Presidium of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, headed by S. Umalatova, should present the award. (Sazhi was accredited as a special correspondent for the Makhachkala newspaper "For the Motherland, for Stalin".) He is not embarrassed by the fact that in the St. right on the front lines, and now it's also a war." Having learned that there were emigrants among the former heroes of the Soviet Union, B. Gunko wrote an ode to "New Heroes" and dedicated it to V. Anpilov:

"Like rats from a ship,

Throwing away the gold star medal,

You rolled off into the vile distance,

But here another hero began to turn the pedal."

And here is June 1993. And again Ostankino. Anpilov is back in the ranks. He demands, as he did a year ago, "the word - to the people!" and now he is threatening to be chained with his supporters to the fence of the television center. The circle is closed... What's next?

And then there was a confrontation in September and a bloody October. Anpilov took the most decisive part in them - he was one of the "field commanders of the militants of the rebellious parliament." Opinions about Anpilov's role in the events were divided. Anatoly Denisov (Socialist Party of Workers) calls him a provocateur, Tatyana Koryagina believes that he unwittingly provoked the president's actions: "We are dealing with a highly professional development by the special services of using the character of the leader of Labor Russia for their purposes: his impulsiveness and commitment to heroic deeds.. ... that it was the heroism of active, even armed, resistance to the president that made it possible to obtain in the eyes of the public a moral justification for the execution of the House of Soviets and the civilian population near Ostankino and in the center of Moscow, near the parliament.

These accusations will be perceived by Anpilov's supporters as a "political denunciation", in which "the principled civic approach is replaced by considerations of philistine integrity." However, let's listen to the arguments of this somewhat confused (who went from the closest associate of Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin to his most irreconcilable critics), but certainly sincere lady: "Anpilov played almost the main role in making Stanislav Terekhov's name connected with the capture of the CIS headquarters. Even on the eve of the incident, approximately September 20-21 ... Anpilov persuaded S. Terekhov to go there to talk with the headquarters officers. Terekhov refused because of his busy schedule that day. But if he had reached this headquarters in those days, then it could easily be would be interpreted as part of a "plan" to prepare for an assault."

This is how the "Bulletin of the Left Information Center" describes this episode: "A person who is really capable of organizing mass actions, including in a military environment, - Lieutenant Colonel S.N. Terekhov - was eliminated by a simple provocation with the participation of B.M. Gunko and V I. Anpilova It is worth noting the behavior of the masses during the announcement by Gunko and Anpilov about the capture by the Union of Officers of the CIS Joint Forces Headquarters - the majority of ordinary citizens showed political wisdom and did not allow themselves to be drawn into provocative actions.

Further, Koryagina reports: “Personally, V. Anpilov contacted me about a week after September 21-22 so that the X Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of Russia would decide on arming the people's militia ... I ... answered that if we - deputies - if we make such a decision, it will mean a betrayal of the interests of the peoples of Russia. The news, frankly, is not unexpected - in September, at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers, Peasants, Specialists and Employees, held in Nizhny Novgorod, to the question "How to take power?" Anpilov publicly replied: "We need to bring the militia to Moscow." And he himself undertook to gather 300 thousand people in Moscow, hoping that the provinces would give another 200 thousand.

"The role is well-known," Koryagina continues, "taken by V. Anpilov during the breaking of the blockade of the House of Soviets on October 3 and the subsequent campaign of demonstrators demanding live broadcasts and certain attempts to get inside the television building in the evening of the same tragic day." Here Tatyana Ivanovna is not accurate: Anpilov, organizing a rally on October Square, "was late", went to the White House in the second column and arrived there when the siege was lifted and the mayor's office was taken. Before him, bl was given and the call to go to Ostankino. Anpilov only joined those leaders and leaders who led the people "to storm the television center."

Nevertheless, the sanction for the arrest of Anpilov was given by the Prosecutor General's Office. Viktor Ivanovich was the first of the hiding leaders of the White House defense to be detained. On October 7, the Izvestiya newspaper solemnly declared: “Alpha has found Anpilov on the trail ... Together with him, about a dozen armed like-minded people were spotted. Officers from the Alpha presidential detachment were urgently thrown to detain Anpilov. Everything turned out to be more banal - On the same day, employees of the Tula Department of the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation detained Anpilov at the dacha of a Muscovite near Tula. There were no guards and weapons with him. Viktor Ivanovich did not resist. During the search, they confiscated a manuscript in which he set out his own version of recent events The Moscow leader of the RCRP was placed in a cell (3 meters by 3 meters) in the Lefortovo prison, which, ironically, once housed the leader of the "DS", and now the faithful "Yeltsinist" Valeria Novodvorskaya. A cell for two. Anpilov's cellmate Remembering that Anpilov's predecessors studied their universities in prisons, he demanded that a Japanese textbook be presented to him for improvement. Wasting no time, he wants to read Akutagawa, Kobo Abe and other classics of Japanese literature in the original in a few months. Taking on heightened obligations, Viktor Ivanovich threatens to learn the languages ​​of all countries that President Yeltsin will visit.

Even before his arrest, Anpilov called on the parties to boycott the elections, to consider participation in them as "assistance to criminals." After a similar statement by Nina Andreeva, the image of the communists participating in the elections became quite Europeanized and not at all scary. The results of this exceeded expectations.

Meanwhile, the Moscow regional conference of the RCWP was held in the capital. Viktor Ivanovich was re-elected First Secretary (in absentia).

Deciding one day, like the Spanish-speaking idols of his youth, to devote himself entirely to wrestling, Viktor Anpilov deliberately goes to some asceticism in his lifestyle and material deprivation. He basically does not drink alcohol, lives on one salary (the party maximum is equal to the salary of a skilled worker, in April 1992 it was about 4 thousand rubles).

Victor has been married since 1975. His wife, Vera Emelyanovna, is from Siberia, from a working-class family, a chemist by training. Graduated from Tomsk State University, Faculty of Chemistry, currently takes care of the house. She fully supports her husband's activities, although he is constantly worried about him. The family is threatened both in writing and by telephone. Anpilov's daughter Nastya (born in 1976) studies at the evening faculty of the Linguistic University (former Institute of Foreign Languages ​​named after M. Torez), studied well at school, participated in all olympiads in English, biology, history. On history, her father even consults with her. Works. Son Serezha is in his sixth year. He knows very well what dad does, and when they ask him: "Are you a democrat?", he answers: "I am for Lenin!" and is preparing to take a place in the ranks of the RCWP.

The hobby of Viktor Ivanovich is the same politics. In his rare free time, he likes to communicate with his comrades and read the Gospel. Willingly quotes him. Likes to read poetry. At one time, his favorite poet was Lermontov, and from foreign - Nicholas Guillen, Garcia Lorca, Byron, Jose Marti. Now Sergei Yesenin is more in tune with him. He loves and knows how to sing. Preference is given to Russian folk, Cossack and Spanish songs. Victor is fluent in Spanish and English, he also knows Japanese and Latin. In Russian history, his ideal is Dmitry Donskoy: "on a rearing horse, with a smashing sword in his right hand and with the battle banner of his invincible squad."

Chairman of the executive committee of the Labor Russia movement, one of the founders of the Russian Communist Labor Party, the organizer of a number of high-profile street actions, including the May Day demonstration in Moscow in 1993, which ended in clashes between protesters and riot police, which led to a large number of wounded on both sides. After the October events of 1993, he was taken into custody and released from investigation in February 1994 under a parliamentary amnesty. Excluded from the RCWP in 1996. Former member of the Moscow City Council. One of the organizers of the never held "people's television", the founder of the newspaper "Lightning". In 1984-1985 he was a war correspondent for the USSR State Radio and Television in Nicaragua.

Viktor Ivanovich Anpilov was born on October 2, 1945 in the village of Belaya Glina, Krasnodar Territory. After graduating from 8 classes high school, entered a vocational school in Taganrog, then went to work at a combine plant and began to study at a school for working youth. He served in the army (in the missile forces). In 1968 he entered the Moscow State University at the international department of the faculty of journalism. In 1972 he joined the CPSU.

In 1973 he graduated from Moscow State University and went to work in Cuba. Returning to his homeland, he worked at the Higher Komsomol School as a translator, then in regional newspapers in outskirts of Moscow. From 1977 to 1984, he was a commentator for the Main Editorial Board of Radio Broadcasting to Latin American countries of the USSR State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. In 1984-1985 he was a correspondent in Nicaragua, where at that time there was Civil War, in 1985 he returned to his homeland and again began working at the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. He retired from there in 1991.

He began political activity in 1990 - he ran for people's deputies of the RSFSR and for the Moscow City Council. He did not become a deputy, but he went to the Moscow Council. In the autumn of the same year, he registered the newspaper Molniya (it first came out on behalf of the Movement of the Communist Initiative - the anti-Gorbachev wing of the CPSU, and since 1992 became known as the "central organ" of the Russian Communist Labor Party). In November 1991, he participated in the founding congress of the RCWP and was elected secretary of the party's Central Committee. He joined the Stalinists.

In May 1991, Anpilov ran for mayor of Moscow, but did not collect the required number of signatures for registration. In the same year, he worked as a confidant of the presidential candidate Albert Makashov (who eventually lost the election).

In 1992, Anpilov became one of the main organizers of the Labor Russia movement, in October of the same year he was elected a member of the Coordinating Council and chairman of the executive committee of the movement.

In 1991-1993, Anpilov organized a number of mass actions in Moscow: a demonstration on November 7, 1991, the Hunger Line March, a march to The White house, National Assembly, the siege of the "empire of lies", a rally of "empty pots". He was one of the leaders of an unauthorized demonstration on May 1, 1993 in Moscow, during which mass clashes between protesters and the police and riot police took place (several hundred people on both sides were injured).

September 21, 1993, after the decree of Boris Yeltsin on the dissolution of the Supreme Council, Anpilov called on his supporters to protect this authority. After the introduction state of emergency On October 4, he hid in the Tula region, where he was arrested. In February 1994, along with other opposition leaders from among the defenders of the White House, he was released from custody under a parliamentary amnesty. In the same year, he was considered by the leadership of the RCWP as a candidate for the presidency of Russia, but later it was decided to abandon this idea.

In 1995, Anpilov ran for deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The block he entered did not pass the 5% barrier. In September 1996, Anpilov was expelled from the RKRP for trying to oppose his movement to the party (on the eve of the presidential elections, Anpilov, on behalf of Labor Russia, signed an agreement on joint actions in support of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, from whom the leadership of the RKRP decided to distance itself). Anpilov's supporters left the RKWP with him.

In November 1997, Anpilov's Labor Russia joined a bloc with Stanislav Terekhov's Union of Officers and Eduard Limonov's National Bolshevik Party. The association was called the "revolutionary radical opposition". In the same year, Anpilov took the initiative to create a national-communist association "Front of the Working People, Army and Youth for the USSR", which was supposed to eventually be transformed into an electoral association. In January 1999, the "Front" adopted the name "Stalin's Bloc: Labor Russia - Officers - for the USSR." Anpilov, Terekhov and Stalin's grandson Yevgeny Dzhugashvili were in the top three of the bloc's list.

In September 1999, the Central Electoral Commission registered the "Stalin Bloc" for participation in the parliamentary elections. As a result, the bloc won only 0.63 percent of the vote.

In March 2001, Anpilov took part in the by-elections to the State Duma in the 106th district of Kolomna and received the second result (Gennady Gudkov won). In November of the same year, Anpilov put forward his candidacy for the elections to the Moscow City Duma in the 29th Solntsevsky District and lost again.

In 2002, the Ministry of Justice refused to register Labor Russia as a political party. In mid-2003, Anpilov received an offer from Vladimir Zhirinovsky to enter the top three of the LDPR party list for next elections to the State Duma, but subsequently the leadership of the LDPR abandoned this idea.

In December 2003, the leader of Trudovaya Rossiya announced his intention to submit documents to the CEC on self-nomination as a candidate for the presidency of Russia, but later refused to participate in the elections. He motivated his refusal by "certain events" in the camp of Vladimir Putin's political opponents.

In the summer of 2005, Anpilov announced that he would put forward his candidacy at the next by-elections to the State Duma. However, by the end of December, he had not submitted the documents necessary for registration.

In July 2006, Anpilov took part in the "Other Russia" forum, organized by opposition representatives in opposition to the G8 summit in St. Petersburg. On December 16, Anpilov participated in the "March of Dissent" (the action of the "Other Russia", which united those dissatisfied with the amendments to the electoral legislation). The action passed without incident.

Anpilov is married and has two children. He is fond of Latin American revolutionary song poetry and Russian folk songs, loves the poetry of Lermontov, Yesenin, Garcia Lorca, Guillen, Byron. Collects dictionaries and Bibles in different languages. Fluent in Spanish, Portuguese and English.

Anpilov Victor Ivanovich

• 1960 - graduated from school No. 9 in the village of Belaya Glina, Krasnodar Territory.
• 1960 - entered the vocational school in Taganrog, graduating from college as a mechanic, worked until 1964 as a fitter at the Taganrog combine plant. Simultaneously with work at the plant, he studied at the school of working youth
• 1964-1967 - urgent military service
• 1973 - graduated from the international department of the Faculty of Journalism of Moscow State University
• After graduating from university, he left to work in Cuba as a translator in the Ministry of navy THE USSR.
• After returning to the USSR, he worked as a translator at the Higher Komsomol School, then in regional newspapers in the Moscow region.
• From 1977 to 1984, he was a commentator for the Main Editorial Board of Radio Broadcasting to Latin American countries of the USSR State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. In 1984-1985. was a correspondent in Nicaragua, returned to his homeland in 1985 and again began working at the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, from which he resigned in 1991.
• In 1990, he was elected to the Moscow City Council from the 401st Solntsevsky constituency of Moscow, became a member of the Communist faction "Moscow".
• In the autumn of 1990, he founded the newspaper Molniya, published by the Movement of the Communist Initiative.
• Member of the founding congress of the Russian Communist Workers' Party (RCWP), elected secretary of the Central Committee (1991), head of the Moscow City Party Committee. In October 1996, he was expelled from the RCRP for trying to oppose his movement to the party (on the eve of the presidential elections, Anpilov, on behalf of Labor Russia, signed an agreement on joint actions in support of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov).
• One of the founders of the socio-political movement "Working Russia" (1992), chairman of the executive committee.
• Organizer and active participant in numerous anti-Yeltsin rallies in 1992-1993, where he called for the overthrow of the regime.
• During the October events of 1993, he was an active participant on the side of the Supreme Council.
• Arrested October 7, 1993,
• February 26, 1994 - released under amnesty
• In 2006-2007, he took part in meetings and rallies of the public movement "The Other Russia"
• Chairman of the Executive Committee of the socio-political movement "Labor Russia" (1992-2012)
• Honorary Chairman of the Labor Russia movement (2012-2018)
• Died January 15, 2018 in Moscow. After cremation, the ashes were buried at the Tuapse cemetery in the Krasnodar Territory.

Married since 1976, wife - Vera Emelyanovna Anpilova. Daughter - Anastasia, son - Sergey.

• On March 18, 2001, he participated in the by-elections of a deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd convocation in the 106th Kolomna single-mandate constituency. 13% of voters voted for him (Gennady Gudkov won in this constituency).

Anpilov Victor Ivanovich

Curriculum vitae: Viktor Ivanovich Anpilov was born in 1945 in the Krasnodar Territory. Higher education, graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of the Moscow state university.

According to Yeltsin: “Viktor Anpilov is a former journalist, staff correspondent of the State Radio and Television in Nicaragua. A person, as they say, slightly “moved” on revolutionary romance ”(Yeltsin B.N.,“ Notes of the President ”, M.,“ Ogonyok ”, 1994, p. 267).

In 1978-1984, he was a correspondent and political commentator for the USSR State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting. In 1984-1985 he was a correspondent of the USSR State Radio and Television in Nicaragua. In 1990 he was elected to the Moscow City Council, joined the communist faction "Moscow".

Since 1991 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Workers' Party (RKRP), at the same time editor of the newspaper Molniya. Since 1992 - Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Coordinating Council of the Labor Russia movement.

On October 7, 1993, he was detained as a participant in the events of October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow. In February 1994, the decision of the State Duma was amnestied.

Astafiev Mikhail Georgievich

Curriculum vitae: Mikhail Geogievich Astafiev was born in 1946 in Moscow. Higher education, graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University.

Worked at the Institute of Physical Chemistry of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

In 1989 he became one of the leaders of the Moscow People's Front, since 1990 - one of the founders and leaders of the Democratic Russia movement. In 1990 he was elected a People's Deputy Russian Federation. In 1991 he became chairman of the Constitutional Democratic Party.

“After the signing of the Belovezhskaya agreements, he acted as a categorical opponent of their ratification, broke with Democratic Russia” and went into irreconcilable opposition. (Zenkovich N.N., “News from the Kremlin, sir”, M., “Olma-press”, 2001, p.522). Repeatedly spoke with critics of Yeltsin's rule B.N.

In 1995, he participated in the founding congress of the social-patriotic movement "Derzhava". Being the deputy chairman of this movement, he accused its leader A.V. Rutskoy, in departure from the national course and together with a group of politicians of national orientation, announced a break with A.V. Rutsky". (Zenkovich N.N., “News from the Kremlin, sir”, M., “Olma-press”, 2001, p.522).

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