Intimate sphere. Sexual sphere. Unpleasant odor of discharge after childbirth: causes and solutions to a delicate problem

Emotional and personal sphere Methodology "Drawing a man" (K. Makhover) General characteristics of the method Initially, the test "Draw a man" was developed by F. Goodinaf to diagnose the level of intelligence. However, in the process of work, a large number of

Cognitive sphere Development of thinking Method "Draw a person" As a result of this method (see Fig. 42) Sasha received 8 points, which corresponds to the normal level of intelligence development. This indicator indicates an average level of development

Emotional and personal sphere Technique "Drawing of a person" We present those points of the analysis of the drawing (see Fig. 47), which seem to us the most significant in this case. Figure: 47 Drawing analysis form Stylish aspect: pressure: strong; line type: curved,

Center and Sphere In one ejection of his semen, a man contains countless sperm, which can be enough for countless female cells. The seed is in the center, and the cells are around it. Therefore, there is only one man, and there are many women around him.

Scope of application In the position of the player, you can set any goals and with all your energy strive to achieve them. Almost any means are good for this, as long as you do not judge yourself for using them (and do not face restrictive rules more

Scope of application The proposed position can be taken if you are not very confident in your abilities and expect that Life will give you what you need anyway. This attitude towards life is applicable in any area: love, family life, work, hobbies, etc. But this is the position of a hired

Definitions and scope As a consequence of polyphony in theoretical views on the phenomenology and the nature of hypnosis, there is no single definition of both this concept itself and those related to it. However, in the process of psychotherapy,

The intimate sphere in Russia in the 20s

At one time, the German sociologist F. Engels noticed an important empirical pattern: “<...> in every major revolutionary movement the issue of "free love" comes to the fore. For some, this is revolutionary progress, liberation from old traditional bonds that have ceased to be necessary; for others, it is a readily accepted teaching that conveniently covers all kinds of free and easy relationships between a man and a woman. "

This tendency was confirmed after the October Revolution in our country. In fact, the processes that took place in those years in the moral history of Russia, on the one hand, were quite expected, and on the other, the intensity of their course turned out to be extraordinary in terms of social intensity and drama. The revolution contributed to a radical breakdown of the philistine life and the foundations of Christian ethics, there was an active search for non-standard moral principles. The working class, insisted one of the radical authors of the magazine Kommunistka, destroyed all the old concepts of "honor," "loyalty," "legitimacy," and family ties. He "freed love from economics and builds life not on the principles of nepotism, but on the principles of the public."

Empirical research can serve as an important additional channel for obtaining information about the prevailing forms of feelings and orientations, mores and practices. The attempts made by our compatriots to penetrate into the multi-layered and contradictory sphere of the private life of a person, deeply innovative, humane in their goals and large-scale in scope, nowadays, we have to admit, are undeservedly not in demand.

Let us make some preliminary remarks about the historiographic background of the data analysis carried out here. As in any historical and sociological research, the scope of our discussion is much wider than the range of sources involved. At the very least, the author seeks to realize a certain “super task”: to demonstrate not only the final figures, but also the style of sociological thinking of the leaders of that time. Let me remind you that up to that time, although small, but still experience in polling student youth was accumulated. Therefore, when choosing literature, some “informal” criteria could not help but affect. These include a thorough methodological study of the polls, their representativeness, the homogeneity of the sample population, which ensures the correctness of historical and sociological comparisons and, finally, the depth and problematic nature of the author's thinking. Let us not forget that, as at the beginning of the century, all researchers were not sociologists in the literal sense of the word, but were doctors, lawyers, statisticians, etc. This, obviously, explains the sometimes incorrect formulation of questions. For example, I. Gelman tried to understand the influence of the social revolution on the level of physiological responsiveness of men and women with the help of a "head-on" question. In our book, as a rule, we use the data of surveys by I. Gelman, D. Lass, Z. Gurevich and F. Grosser, M. Barash, S. Golosovker. Of course, they do not exhaust the whole picture of the sociological development of the problem of sexual morality in the twenties. This requires more extensive research. And nevertheless, the named sources substantially complement the picture of the state of morals.

The results of Gelman's research, who surveyed 1145 students and 338 female students, show that 85% of the former and 53% of the latter were in illegitimate sexual relations. According to Lass (1590 students and 222 female students), 88% of men and 48% of women had such connections. The indicators given by Gurevich: 95% and 62%, respectively (1104 students and 205 female students). Barash, who interviewed 1,280 young workers in Moscow, found that "premarital" sexual experience had 97%. The statistics of various polls, as we can see, are stable and testify to the wide spread of illegal sexual practices among students and working youth. One important circumstance should be noted. Although there were no mass polls before the early 19th century, it was not generally a secret to anyone that young men were involved in sexual practices outside of marriage. Girls are another matter. Their sexual contacts before the legalization of marriage were strongly condemned by religious and secular institutions, and harsh sanctions were applied to violators of this prohibition. And "all of a sudden" sample data show: almost every second woman had the above experience.

The age at which students entered their debut sexual relationships is illustrated by the diagram in Fig. 1 and 2.

Figure 1. Age of students' first sexual intercourse

Figure 2. Age of female students' first sexual contacts

To begin with, we note that the quantitative indicators obtained by the researchers in the interval of four years turned out to be stable. Among men who have had sexual relations, one in four entered them before the age of sixteen, and most often these practices occurred in the age interval of 16-18 years. Women became involved in sex life, as a rule, later, although the level of its prevalence before adulthood is quite high: from 20% to 44%, which indicates a radical change in the construction of themselves as ethical subjects. By the way, one of the confirmations of this hypothesis is the coincidence of the prevalence of "promiscuous" erotic contacts among men (58%) and women (55%).

The quantitative indices are supplemented in the analyzed samples with important qualitative socio-psychological characteristics - the motives for entering the debut sexual relationship. Despite a wide range of motives, the dominant ones stand out among them. For women, these are “love” (49%), “infatuation” (30%) and “curiosity” (20%); among men - "sexual need" (54%), "hobby" (28%) and "curiosity" (19%). No significant differences were found in the surveys of 1922 and 1927.

Interesting is the information with whom the boys and girls had their first sexual contact (see Table 1).

Table 1. Type of partner in debut sexual intimacy in comparison with gender (in%)

* Data refer to the first two types of partners
** Data refer to the first three types of partners

These figures allow us to trace some tendencies: the tradition of women entering into a debut relationship with a husband, and men - with a casual acquaintance is stable; at the same time, a new phenomenon is observed: women expand their circle of partners at the expense of grooms and roommates, while men reduce contacts with prostitutes. Prostitution as a social phenomenon gradually declined. Indeed, a comparison of studies from different years showed: if before the First World War and the February Revolution, almost 48% of young urban residents began sex life with prostitutes, then in 1914-1917 - 32.0%, in 1918-1920 - slightly more than 16 , 0%, and in 1921-1923 - less than 4%. Moreover, in the future, 51% of the men surveyed used their services before the revolution, and after the revolution - 8%. It is quite obvious that the decline specific gravity "Users" of the services of prostitutes did not occur without the influence of social structures and institutions. Was created legal basis - the first Criminal Code of the RSFSR, which introduces a number of regulations regarding the protection of sexual health, prostitution, coercion and procuring. This document, more clearly than before, defined the legislative approach to prostitution, recognizing it as a social ailment. The emphasis in the "fight" against her was not placed on prostitutes, but on the persons involving women in the craft - intermediaries, pimps, pimps, and brothel holders. Indirectly, the search for acceptable, “substitute institutions” by consumers themselves testifies to the crisis of the “eternal” institution. I will confine myself to one, however much clever, so contradictory entry made by a 22-year-old worker in Gelman's questionnaire: “<...> sexual intimacy is a natural need; but its manifestation is in a very difficult position due to the presence of moral obstacles, or, more simply, the immaturity of our concept in relation to the sexual issue. On this basis (I hope you will understand), in most cases, various sexually transmitted diseases occur. And if we consider sexual intercourse a natural need, and besides all this is a law of nature,<...> if for the consequences of sexual intercourse we have arranged so-called maternity hospitals, so why not arrange, on the contrary, copulation houses (this does not mean a "house of tolerance"), the position of which is as follows: in short, the one who wants to satisfy his need comes, writes down, looks carefully by a doctor, etc. " ... Most likely, the young man stands up for the legitimization of "promiscuity", controlled exclusively by medical supervision.

The revealed empirical patterns were, to one extent or another, conditioned by economic, social and moral transformations in the country: the restoration of industrial production, the involvement of women in professional activities, the proclamation of equal public rights regardless of gender, and the transformation of family models. Moreover, the researchers did not actually raise the question of the degree of adequacy of the reflection of these transformations in sexual behavior, since this required a higher sociological level of analysis.

Of particular interest are the answers regarding adultery (adultery) and his moral assessments. According to Golosovker, the possibility of this practice was justified by about half of the female students, but in reality every third woman was in parallel illegitimate ties. Barash testifies: 50% of the surveyed metalworkers and machine builders had this kind of relationship. Gurevich made an attempt to construct a typology of motives for involvement in adultery. For men, the most significant were “separation from wife” (38%), “infatuation” (25%) and “dissatisfaction with family life” (14%); for women - “separation from her husband” (38%), “dissatisfaction with family life” (21%) and “dissatisfaction with sexual relations with a spouse” (17%). The latter motive occupied an essential place in the answers of Lass's respondents, namely: 66% of women indicated it. In previous years, this level of revelation is difficult to even imagine.

The researchers did not ignore two more types of practices. I mean masturbation and homosexuality. Just a few touches. According to Gelman, about 53% of men and 15% of women masturbated, while among students of Moscow University - 74%, and among students of higher female courses - 52% (1914). Young people named the following factors that contributed to the manifestation of this sexual practice: first, "internal motives", in particular, students of Moscow University - 58%, students of the Communist University - 44%, students of the same university - 42%; secondly, “the influence of comrades (girlfriends)”, respectively, 33%, 37%, 35% and, thirdly, the “influence of literature”: 8%, 11%, 15%. During the first quarter of the 20th century, the ratio of male and female “confessions” remains unchanged. How reliable this kind of information is, I will show later.

As for homosexuality, according to the testimony of M.M. Rubinstein, in adolescence (13-15 years old) homogeneous identification is recorded in 1.6% of boys and 4.5% of girls. Due to the paucity of initial data, I will cite a record, unique for the first decades, made in the Gelman questionnaire. When compared with the observations of I.P. Tarnovsky, this material shows the small "advancement" of his contemporaries in understanding the etiology and psychology of tribadism.

So, a student of the university from a peasant family, 23 years old. The first sexual sensations appeared in her 18th year - spontaneously. She did not masturbate. Menstruation began at the age of 17 and caused fear and shame. At the age of 20, she made her debut sexual contact with her husband. She was married for six months, divorced, as sexual intercourse was disgusting to her. After a divorce, he treats men as companions, but does not see them as sexual partners. At the age of 22, she vaguely felt the spiritual, psychological and sexual need for a woman. Since then, her sex life has entered a new rut. Now sexuality is perceived by her as a need, she began to deliver erotic pleasure unknown hitherto. The interviewee is in contact with women, realizing that she is butch. Accordingly, the girlfriends are fond of her, love and jealous, feeling in relation to the confessing women. Homosexual relationships, according to her, play a major role in life, after social work. The confession ends like this: I want to be a man. I look forward to the time when scientific discoveries will lead to the possibility of castration and inoculation of male organs. The respondent's frank presentation of the history of her sexual identity outside the clinic indicates the readiness of at least some homosexuals to dialogue with society.

The presented empirical material testifies rather to a radical crisis of traditional norms and values, rather than to a pronounced formation of new ones. Illegal sexual intercourse has no doubt ceased to be a masculine "privilege." Attention is drawn to the fact that the man's centuries-old partner - the "prostitute" - began to be intensively replaced by the "acquaintance". Relations with the latter, firstly, fundamentally excluded the sale and purchase of the body and, secondly, they turned out to be not so spiritually and emotionally alienated, although they were still based on psychophysiological attraction (desire for relaxation) more often on both sides. At the same time, a small but noticeably increasing number of respondents, intensifying their emotional empathy, began sexual practice, if not with their wife, then with a bride or a female partner. The sexual life of female students was predominantly constructed by them in such a way that to a large extent it could be identified with marriage or self-valuable expressive experience. Along with this, about a fifth of the connections arose among female students rather for the sake of relieving emotional and psychological stress. Both sexes began to admit the possibility of adultery. There is a tendency towards the autonomy of sexuality and marriage. There is a very motley picture of morals, in which one can see the search for deep human happiness, and throwing, and the manifested facelessness. There was a lot of superficial, alien, but the main thing was breaking through - the transition from a double to a single sexual morality was carried out. Its formation went on a difficult path. On the one hand, freedom of sexual choice extended to both sexes, which is deeply symbolic in itself, on the other, women adopted traditional "male" standards. The caricature of the aspiration of the representatives of the beautiful part of humanity to achieve expressive emancipation by copying the worst patriarchal models was beyond doubt. Such an "emancipated style" of behavior could be a step towards the loss of gender specificity, emotional "transvestism", the triumph of same sex.

Although it is difficult, and perhaps even impossible, to systematically compare the results obtained in the 1920s with the polls of the beginning of the century, it would still be wrong to completely ignore this procedure. Let's note the following. The level of involvement of men in illegal sexual relations remained generally unchanged, while among women it increased by 4-5 times. A decrease in the age limit of debut sexual contacts is recorded, and the scale of motives changes accordingly, in particular, in these years, “curiosity” (voyeurism) occupies a significant place in both sexes. The prevalence of "promiscuous" connections among young people (regardless of gender) remains stable. The body of empirical evidence obtained points to clear signs of a departure from the centering of sexuality on matrimonial behavior.

The theoretical interpretation of the empirical material collected by researchers of the twenties turned out to be an overwhelming task for them. They failed to correctly establish the main empirical dependencies, and even more so to "inscribe" the observed behavioral innovations in a specific historical and general cultural context. And yet, mass polls convincingly refuted the prevailing opinion of "unimaginable bacchanalia"; at the same time, they did not contribute to the justification of guidelines for "new, beautiful, healthy relationships." Moreover, even the European educated public figures (N. Bukharin, N. Krupskaya, E. Preobrazhensky, S. Smidovich, A. Solts, etc.), who are difficult to suspect of conservatism and blinkeredness, were beyond the reach of even European educated public figures (N. Bukharin, N. Krupskaya, E. Preobrazhensky, S. Smidovich, A. Solts, etc.) The stumbling block is the development of a non-trivial criterion for the morality of sexual interaction between the sexes. To confirm this idea, perhaps, it is enough to cite a few extracts from the texts of A. Lunacharsky. “I think,” he wrote, “that in the area of \u200b\u200bgender we should talk not about morality, but about freedom, and in response to gentlemen's statements that this is smerdyakovism, we should say that we oppose communist enlightenment to the freedom of an unbridled person.” A beautiful passage, isn't it, but, unfortunately, difficult to interpret. However, the matter is not entirely hopeless. Freedom on the basis of "communist enlightenment" is, apparently, not a rejection of morality, but only a special understanding of it: openness, diversity of sexual practices and equal internal responsibility of men and women. Lunacharsky and in the future repeatedly opposed the vulgarization of love feelings by some young people, reducing it to the level of physiological relaxation, associating emotional experiences with "calf tenderness." Equating love with "trifles" leads, according to the People's Commissar of Education, on the one hand, to asceticism, unlawful neglect of it, "and on the other hand, we get this attitude:" why not play pranks? " The attitude towards love as a solemn act, as a thing of extraordinary importance and extraordinary joy is lost. "

We believe that the polyvalence and fauvism of the search for the moral criterion of eroticism in a socially "seething" society is best outlined when opposing points of view collide. The most indicative in this respect are the positions defended by A. Kollontai and A. Zalkind.

Presenting her views in the article "Way to the Winged Eros", A. Kollontai argued that sexual intercourse, fueled exclusively by physical attraction, not tinged with love or even temporary passion, should be condemned. Further, she continued, future generations will not pay special attention to the form of love relationships - a long (including legitimate) union or a quickly passing passion. The ideology of the working class, in the conviction of this social activist, does not set any external boundaries of love, but is demanding on its content, "on the shades of feelings and experiences that bind both sexes." In a word, the essence of the proletarian ethos lies in the conjugation of corporeality, expression and spirit. It is difficult to ignore this thesis. For many decades, the ideas of one of the brightest representatives of the women's liberation movement were hushed up. Apparently, rather intuitively than consciously, something was seen in them competing with traditional Orthodox asceticism, which, in turn, was identified with high spirituality. Let us ask ourselves a question: why "winged Eros"?

Kollontai considered it her duty to introduce the proletarian youth to world culture, in particular, to ancient Greek. Hence the appeal to the ideas of the "Feast" dialogue. Plato, as you know, saw the beginning of the growth of the soul in admiration for beauty. He depicts the action of beauty, developing the myth of the winged nature of the soul. The philosophical meaning of this myth is that love for the beautiful is seen as an ascent, as the movement of the knower from ignorance to knowledge, from the inessential to the being, from non-being to being. The philosopher understands love for the beautiful as the growth of the soul, as the approach of man to the true being, as the ascent of the soul along the steps of an ever-rising reality, ever-increasing being, as an increase in creative productive force. Love for beauty is a path, an ascent, because not all beautiful objects are equally beautiful and not all deserve equal love. At the initial stage of "erotic" ascent, a single beautiful body appears. But he who chooses such a body as the object of his striving must subsequently understand that the beauty of an individual person is akin to the beauty of every other. He who sees this should become a worshiper of all beautiful bodies in general. At the next stage of "erotic" ascent, preference is given not to bodily, but to spiritual beauty. He who prefers spiritual beauty contemplates not the beauty of the body, but "the beauty of daily affairs and customs." From this contemplation, he is convinced that "everything beautiful is related" and "will regard the beauty of the body as something insignificant." An even higher level of "erotic" ascent to the beautiful is the comprehension of the beauty of knowledge. Finally, having become entrenched in this kind of cognition, a person, ascending the steps of "erotic" ascent, comes to the contemplation of the beautiful in himself, or the form, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe beautiful. At this limit of "erotic knowledge", the gaze of the contemplating person reveals unconditional and irrelevant beauty.

At the same time, A. Kollontai, being an earthly man, separated the uplifting ideals from the values \u200b\u200bof life and specially emphasized that harmony in communication between men and women would come in a distant communist society, and until then “at the turn of two cultures” the emerging proletarian morality should rest on three basic principles: (a) equality in relationships, (b) mutual recognition of the rights of another without pretensions to own undividedly his heart and (c) comradely sensitivity, the ability to listen and understand the work of the soul of a loved one.

The famous psychiatrist and public figure of that time A. Zalkind approached the problem of “proletarian” love from a different, no less shocking layman, positions. “If,” he wrote, “this or that sexual manifestation promotes segregationperson from the class, reduces the severity of his scientific<...> curiosity deprivesits part of its productive and creative working capacity required by the class - lowershim fighting qualities, -down with him. Sexual life is permissible only in its content, which contributes to the growth of collectivist feelings, class organization, production-creative, combat activity, and the acuteness of knowledge. " Today such judgments are perceived as a parody, on the contrary, in the late 1920s - as one of the possible lines of discussion.

According to the psychiatrist, the sexual relations of the "revolutionary working class" are subject to regulation in accordance with the twelve commandments:

Zalkind considered moral practice that meets these commandments to be the most conducive to effective participation in socialist construction, joyful work and learning. If, however, the psychiatrist believed, the young man nevertheless appears not based on deep sympathy and revolutionary expediency sexual desires, which “a true citizen of the proletarian revolution should not have”, then “all elements of the environment (production requirements, cultural stimuli, social class opinion, party ethics, professional ethics, class discipline) should nip them in the bud, slow down, switch, transfer to other , class and creative ways ”.

The appearance of this code cannot be considered completely accidental. The "Commandments" were called upon to affirm the principles of collectivism in a natural way, to consolidate the priority of society over the individual. Despite all their straightforwardness and inflexibility, they were received with enthusiasm by many.

Concluding the comparison of the positions of Kollontai and Zalkind, I would like to note the following: the same admission that under the conditions of a radical transformation of society, the content and form of moral-expressive relations between a man and a woman should be transformed, led to completely different conclusions.

A. Kollontai, considering love as the measure of sexual relations, with gender equality and the elimination of possessiveness, emphasized the internal control of a person, on the system of his individual aesthetic and moral values. A. Zalkind insisted on external regulation. Each of these points of view was one-sided. Meanwhile, the nature of sexual ethics should determine, and in fact determine, both internal stimuli, moral values \u200b\u200band emotions, and external real conditions.

The clash of views on sexual morality stimulated the work of thought, contributed to the formation of the ethical-sociological theory necessary for the analysis and assessment of moral relations in an unknown society. However, these debates were not just theoretical exercises. They were conducted with passion and conflict, as they reflected the realities of life. The peculiarities of timelessness were reflected in them. "<...> at<...> an era when powerful states are crumbling, Vladimir Lenin, one of the leaders of the October Revolution, told Clara Zetkin, when the old relations of domination are torn apart, when the whole social world begins to perish, in this era the feelings of an individual are rapidly modified. The whipping thirst for variety in pleasures easily acquires unbridled strength<...>... In the field of marriage and sexual relations, a revolution is approaching, consonant with the proletarian revolution. "

Let us ponder on the reflections of F. Engels and V. Lenin, people of different historical eras and practices. They, in principle, came to an identical opinion about the influence of fundamental social transformations on the private world of a person. This hypothesis was largely confirmed by the analysis of sexual interactions between men and women in the 1920s. At the same time, it should be noted that the researchers of the post-revolutionary years recorded only a part of the spectrum of changes, namely the one that, thanks to the “explosive” (Dionysian) character, was easily manifested, lay on the surface. The other - determined by fundamental social shifts - was not so transparent. At this level, the structure and functions of erotic-sexual relations are latently changing, but at the same time the process proceeds nonlinearly: it fades out (sometimes “recedes”), then it makes its way again. Hence, a periodic decline in open interest in sexuality was perceived by the mass consciousness as an achievement of harmony. In reality, however, such "grace" throughout the entire 20th century - running ahead, I argue - could not be achieved.

Engels F.Book of revelation // K. Marx, F. Engels. Vol .: In 30 volumes, 2nd ed. Moscow: Politizdat, 1961.Vol. 21. p. 8.
Mayorova V.About life // Communist. 1923. No. 3-4. from. thirteen.
Ibid, p. 59
Lass D.Modern Students: Life, Sex Life. M .; L .: Young Guard, 1928. p. 98
cm. Gurevich Z.A., Grosser F.I.Sexual problems. Kharkov, 1930, p. 237
Barash M.The sex life of Moscow workers // Venereology and Dermatology. 1925. No. 6. P. 137-147
Let us recall that although the survey of women was conducted by D. Zhbankov in 1908, its results were published only in 1922.
In this case, the concept of "promiscuity" is used conditionally, for the lack of something better. This term was first introduced into scientific use by the famous American anthropologist of the 19th century L. Morgan. He was referring to the socially disordered sexual relations that were allegedly common among the indigenous population of America - the Iroquois. We use it in the case when sexual practices are based mainly on physiological attraction.
Gelman I.Sex life of modern youth: Experience of socio-biological research. M .; Pg .: State. publishing house, 1923, p. 67.
Gernet M.N.To statistics on prostitution // Statistical Review. 1927. No. 7. p. 88.
Golosenko I.A., Golod S.I.Sociological Studies of Prostitution in Russia: History and Current State of the Issue. SPb .: Petropolis, 1998, p. 62.
By the way, the downward trend in the level of prostitution was noticedand in Western Europe. Experts tend to explain the narrowing of the area of \u200b\u200bprostitution, firstly, by the improvement of the economic situation of the population, and secondly, by the moral emancipation of women. According to B. Russell, the elimination of Victorian morality leads, in particular, to the fact that prostitution is losing its meaning. The line of reasoning of this philosopher is as follows. Previously, the young man was forced to seek paid casual relationships, but now he has the opportunity to enter into sexual intercourse with a girl of his circle. These relations on both sides are devoid of dependence, and therefore are valuable in themselves: here the expressive consonance is as important as the bodily one [see. Russelle B. Plato.Feast // Vol .: In 3 volumes: Per. from ancient Greek. / Under total. ed. A.F. Losev and V.R. Asmus; will enter, Art. A.F. Losev. M .: Mysl ', 1970.T. 2, p. 142-143.
Zalkind A.B.Revolution and youth. M .: Publishing Kom. Univ., 1924. 55.
Likewise, the mass consciousness attributed fashionable, beautiful clothes to bourgeois attributes. In this sense, a letter from a young girl published in Komsomolskaya Pravda is indicative. She expressed solidarity with the opinion that boots and coarse clothing suits the "Lenin woman" most of all. Obviously, therefore, the Komsomol member did not sew up holes and tears in her dress. But, despite her high ideology, the girl could not abandon her subcultural specificity - she asked the editorial board for advice on how to protect herself from reproaches from the guys in the absence of femininity [see: Kuzmin V.O"Young old age", asceticism and bureaucracy // Life and youth. M .: True; Poor, 1926, p. 32].
Zalkind A.B.Revolution and youth. M .: Publishing Kom. un., 1924,from. 77-90.
Zalkind A.B.Sex education. M .: Worker of education, 1930, p. 282.
A. Zalkind was not the only author who strove at all costs to regulate sexuality. Such attempts have been made repeatedly. Here are a few plots from the code of “correct” sexual behavior proposed by the American psychiatrist A. Ellis. The code of practice should:

• to be "earthly", that is, created by people and for people;
• have a minimum number of rules governing sexual life;
• no kind of sexuality can be prohibited if it does not harm another person;
• admit that people have biological needs, which must be satisfied as quickly and fully as possible, as long as and insofar as it does not harm others, etc. [cm.: Ellis A.The American Sexual Tragedy. N. Y .: Twayne Publishers, 1962, p. 257)]

Externality; internality (from lat."Externus" - external, "internus" - internal) - the individual's predisposition to a certain form of control. If a person takes responsibility for the events that take place in his life to a greater extent, explaining them by his behavior, character, abilities, then this indicates that he has internal (internal) control. If the tendency to attribute the causes of what is happening to external factors dominates, then this indicates that he has external (external) control.
Zetkin K.From a notebook // Memories of V.I. Lenin: In 5 volumes. M., Political literature. 1979. T. 5. c. 4