The Anti-Corruption Foundation Alexei Navalny has published a film and investigation about Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. In a 50-minute video, the opposition politician talks about the "secret assets" of the former president of Russia and a network of non-profit foundations that own multibillion-dollar real estate properties.

Thus, according to FBK, Medvedev is associated with the Gradislava, Dar and Sotsgosproekt funds, which own real estate worth tens of billions of rubles. Employees of the Anti-Corruption Foundation have linked with Medvedev the Milovka estate in Ples, a residence in the Kursk region and the Mansurovo agricultural enterprise, vineyards in the Anapa area, a secret residence in Krasnaya Polyana, and a mansion in St. Petersburg.

As Alexei Navalny says at the beginning of the film "He's not Dimon for you", Dmitry Medvedev himself helped the investigation, who actively posts photos on Instagram. In addition, FBK relied on data from the Prime Minister's phone, laid out by Humpty Dumpty hackers. The fund's specialists managed to correlate purchases in online stores found in the hacked mail, and things in which Dmitry Medvedev was at official events and got into the lens of photographers.

The investigation mentions businessman Alisher Usmanov, who, according to open sources, donated expensive real estate to the funds affiliated with Dmitry Medvedev. The video is accompanied by aerial photography. Spectators can see how elite estates are arranged behind high fences. In addition, FBK journalists found two elite yachts worth a billion rubles, named the same - “Fotinia”, from the firm “Investment Sodruzhestvo” LLC controlled by Dmitry Medvedev's classmate Ilya Eliseev. Anti-corruption fighters claim that it was from the side of this yacht that Medvedev took photos on Instagram.

Navalny claims that the real estate in Italy, which belongs to Furcina LTD, also controlled by Ilya Eliseev, is used by the Prime Minister and his wife. FBK assumes that in this country, Medvedev controls a villa and vineyards.

“It is time for our investigation to summarize, and it is very sad. The former president, incumbent prime minister and leader of the ruling United Russia party has almost openly created a corrupt network of charitable foundations through which he receives bribes from oligarchs and maniacally builds palaces and dachas for himself all over the country. Buys yachts and medieval castles abroad. He doesn't hide much. Thousands of people are involved in the maintenance of Medvedev's schemes and his real estate. These secret palaces are guarded by the state secret services, ”writes Navalny, and blames corruption and President Vladimir Putin for the country's poverty.

Note that in 2016, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev amounted to 8.8 million rubles. Dmitry Medvedev's wife Svetlana earned nothing in a year.

Fund "Dar", stated in the publication, is headed by a classmate and friend of Medvedev, Ilya Eliseev. Navalny calls him one of the closest persons to the head of government. So, Eliseev manages the agro-complex "Mansurovo" and other agricultural enterprises in the Kursk region, follows from the data of the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. In the same region, the Navalny Foundation notes, the head of government has a "family estate, which he regularly visits": "A chapel has been built on the site of the house that once belonged to Medvedev's grandfather. The estate and tens of thousands of square meters of agricultural land are owned by Mansurovo.

Among the members of the Mansurovo board of directors is Andrey Medvedev, whom the FBK calls the prime minister's cousin. He also owns a small share in the Seim-Agro firm. The main founder of Seim-Agro is the Kurskpromteplitsa company, which belongs to the Sotsgosproekt fund, which is associated with Medvedev.

Andrei Medvedev refused to confirm to RBC his relationship with the Russian prime minister. “This is a purely personal question, I do not consider it necessary to answer it,” he said. He also noted that "from the side of the said person [Dmitry Medvedev] he did not receive any help or hindrance." “If it were really so, as a true patriot of our state, I would be truly saddened. Such accusations are groundless. This is fiction and folklore, ”Medvedev is sure.

Vineyard in Tuscany

A house on Rublevka and 20 hectares of land that had previously belonged to the presidential administration and were sold, according to FBK, “200 times cheaper than market value”, was recorded on the subsidiary structure of the Dar fund. FBK refers to materials from courts and information from Rosreestr.

Eliseev's pupil Philip Polyansky and the former director of "Dara" heads the company "Tsertum-Invest", stated in the extract from the Unified State Register of Legal Entities. The company acquired a historic mansion in St. Petersburg, then transferred it to Dar, after which the building was rebuilt into an elite house of 29 apartments.

Eliseev owns the Cypriot offshore Furcina, for which two sea yachts are registered, according to extracts from the Cypriot register of legal entities. FBK estimated their cost at $ 16 million. “We see them moored near the Milovka estate in Plyos, which is the residence of Medvedev. Both yachts are named "Fotinia", which is the church analogue of the name Svetlana. That is the name of Dmitry Medvedev's wife, ”the authors of the investigation draw attention to.

A winery in Tuscany, Italy is registered to the same offshore, according to the legal entity's annual report. “After the purchase, Sergey Stupnitskiy became the manager of the winery - a man who had previously worked as the director of another winery associated with the Prime Minister, the Anapa“ Rocky Coast ”, emphasizes FBK. A spokesman for Fattoria della Aiola, through which Furcina controls wine production, denied the winery's connection with Medvedev in a comment to RNS.

The Sotsgosproekt fund connected with Medvedev, according to SPARK-Interfax, owns a stake in the Skalisty Bereg company. She, in turn, owns vineyards in Anapa. One of the directors of Skalisty Bereg later became the director of the Gradislava Foundation. The authors of the investigation write to this fund Medvedev's “ana plesskaya estate”.

In addition to Eliseev, FBK names Vladimir Dyachenko as a key figure in the circle of the Prime Minister. “This man is in charge of the daily management of the Rublev estate in Znamenskoye, which he received as a gift from Alisher Usmanov,” says Navalny's foundation.

Donations and loans

Navalny writes with reference to the financial statements that the funds associated with Medvedev have several sources of funding. First, as noted by FBK, "NOVATEK's shareholders Leonid Mikhelson and Leonid Simanovsky contributed 33 billion rubles to the charter capital of the Dar fund." Secondly, the management company of the Dar fund received loans from Gazprombank in the amount of 11 billion rubles, it follows from the financial institution's reporting. “This support for Gazprombank is very easy to explain. The main confidant of Medvedev, Ilya Eliseev, is the deputy chairman of the board of this bank, says Navalny. “Together with the money received from the oligarchs, the volume of funds circulating between Medvedev's funds and companies is almost 70 billion rubles.”

All property of the Prime Minister is managed by the Meritazh company. FBK makes such a conclusion, for example, on the grounds that the firm is recruiting personnel for all other legal entities associated with the head of government.

“Eliseev, although he is a classmate of Medvedev, is still a fairly independent figure. That is, what belongs to Eliseev cannot also belong to Medvedev. For the role of the major-dom - the property manager of Medvedev, the figure of Eliseev is too big, "

The Druzhba Narodov meat processing plant previously belonged to the Ukrainian oligarch Yuriy Kosyuk, and now its owner is the former head of the Central Archive of Internal Troops, on the basis of which the Russian Guard was created. "That is, in the past, Kantemirov was a direct subordinate of Viktor Zolotov, the head of the Russian Guard," the investigation explains.

According to FBK, in recent years the former officer held the posts of general director in the companies of St. Petersburg businessman Boris Vaninsky - it was his structures that sold the elite Kushelev-Bezborodko mansion in St. Petersburg to the charitable foundation "", which appeared in Navalny's previous investigation about the prime minister, "He's not Dimon."

Kantemirov was also the general director of OOO Resurs Service, the owner of a plot closely adjacent to one of the unofficial Medvedev residences on Rublevka in Maslovo. At the same time, the company bought this site illegally, FBK notes with reference to the report of the Accounts Chamber.

“It is clear that Kantemirov is fighting someone. We tried to figure out who, and you see yourself - Medvedev is sticking out from everywhere,” he commented. Medvedev, or people from his inner circle. "

Journalists lost Medvedev again - just like after the investigation "He's not Dimon for you"

On the day the investigation was published, they asked why the head of the Russian government had not appeared in public for several days. The Proekt edition, referring to three sources in the Cabinet, reported in its channel that Medvedev "has not been seen for nine days, and no one understands the reason."

The last time the prime minister was in public was on August 14, when he met with the acting governor of the Novosibirsk region, Andrei Travnikov. All the following days, information appeared on the government's website that Medvedev had sent telegrams abroad and in the regions.

TOP

The "project" reasoned that we could not talk about an unofficial vacation, since Medvedev's schedule includes many important events. However, "all of them are canceled for some unknown reason", and not in advance, but after the invitation of the participants. At one of the recent meetings, officials waited an hour and a half for the prime minister before dispersed, the newspaper writes.

According to Proekt, Medvedev has already missed several budget meetings and a meeting of the Security Council, and has not met with his deputies for a long time. According to sources, he "spent some time outside."

After this information spread through the media, the government's press service had to explain. "The injury received while playing sports does not allow the prime minister to hold public events," Interfax quotes. The government did not give any other explanations, noting that in the near future the prime minister should not be expected in public in the near future.

Medvedev also disappeared from radar in March 2017, exactly after the publication of the investigation "He's not Dimon for you." The President of the Russian Federation then explained that “Dmitry Anatolyevich was not saved, he fell ill with the flu. However, after that Medvedev showed up in full health at the Arkhyz ski resort. And when he returned and received congratulations on his recovery, the prime minister said that "he was not sick."

The Anti-Corruption Foundation Alexei Navalny has published a large investigation about the "secret empire" of Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. In particular, it says that the head of government controls several charitable foundations to which 70 billion rubles were transferred, including, according to Navalny, bribes from entrepreneurs Alisher Usmanov and Leonid Mikhelson.

"The head of the ruling United Russia party owns real estate throughout the country, he owns huge plots of land in the most elite areas, he manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad," FBK says.

FBK video about Medvedev's "secret empire":

Another investigation about Medvedev, but not so large-scale, FBK in September last year.

March 2, 15:13 "Navalny's material has a pronounced pre-election character, which he himself says at the end of the video. It is pointless to comment on the propaganda attacks of an oppositional and convicted character, who said that he is already conducting some kind of election campaign and is fighting the government," -secretary Medvedev Natalia Timakova.

March 2, 16:54 The investigation was commented on by the general director of Seim-Agro JSC Andrei Medvedev, whom the FBK calls the prime minister's cousin.

Andrey Medvedev<...> told RBC that "from the specified person [Dmitry Medvedev] he did not receive any help or interference." "If it were really like a true patriot of our state, I would be truly sad. Such accusations have no basis. This is fiction and folklore," he is sure.

Andrei Medvedev refused to confirm to RBC his relationship with the Russian prime minister. "This is a purely personal question, I do not consider it necessary to answer it," he said.

Also, according to him, “at the moment, Seim-Agro has nothing to do with ZAO Kurskproteplitsa. In the investigation, FBK Kurskproteplitsa was named as the main founder of Seim-Agro.” I have nothing to do with this ["Kurskproteplitsa"] enterprise. Except that it is 100 meters from my facility. Earlier, maybe, there was some kind of relationship. But at the moment I am not ready to confirm anything to you. I can say that they are not there now, "said Andrei Medvedev.

RBK

Meanwhile, FBK director Roman Rubanov sent a statement to the Investigative Committee demanding to initiate a criminal case against Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanov under Articles 290 (bribery) and 291 (bribe-giving) of the RF Criminal Code. In addition, Rubanov asks to initiate a criminal case under Article 160 (embezzlement) in connection with the investments of the Dar regional non-commercial projects fund.

The statement (Rubanov) says that the fund, which is engaged in the formation of property, according to the law, has no right to dispose of it except for the purposes that are determined by its charter, for example, transfer it to third parties without receiving equivalent compensation. Among the goals of the fund are social support and protection of disabled people, satisfaction of spiritual and other non-material needs of citizens, environmental protection, etc.

"Vedomosti"

March 3, 09:28 Ilya Eliseev, who appears in the investigation as a former classmate of Medvedev and the formal owner of a number of assets of his "secret empire", said that the "Dar" foundation is not associated with Medvedev.

The fund, which received the estate on Rublevka as a gift from Alisher Usmanov, is not associated with Dmitry Medvedev, says a classmate of the Prime Minister. "The recent news leaks are an example of obvious political propaganda and have no real basis," Ilya Eliseev said in a statement received by Vedomosti in response to a request to comment on FBK's investigation into the activities of companies allegedly linked to the prime minister.

Eliseev is the chairman of the supervisory board of the Dar Foundation, the Fund for Support of Socially Significant State Projects (Sotsgosproekt), the Fund for Support of Winter Olympic Sports and the Fund for Social and Cultural Initiatives (FSKI). Since its inception in 2008, the post of president of the FSKI has been held by the wife of the prime minister, Svetlana Medvedeva.

"Commercial and non-profit organizations, in which I act as a shareholder, founder or leader, are engaged in business and other activities permitted by law in my interests or for charitable purposes. These legal entities are not associated with any of the politicians or government officials," he emphasizes in his statement Eliseev.

"Vedomosti"

March 3, 13:52 Press secretary of the Russian President Dmitry Peskov, like Medvedev's press secretary Natalya Timakova, commenting on the FBK material, called Navalny "convicted."

“No details, not familiar with (the investigation). Media reports have seen. This is not the first example of the work of this well-known convicted citizen,” Interfax quotes Peskov. “There is nothing to add to what was said by the press secretary of the Prime Minister.

A scandal erupted at Kemerovo State University. The university, without explaining the reasons, did not renew the contract with one of the teachers for a long time. Neither her appeals to the rector, nor the complaints of the students helped. In response, senior lecturer at the Institute of Philology, Foreign Languages \u200b\u200band Media Communications, Candidate of Sciences Nina Obelunas filed a lawsuit. She says: “The story of my dismissal is not unique. The only difference is that I'm the only one who spoke about it out loud. " Optimization, reorganization and consolidation are taking place in universities throughout the country. This means that teachers are inevitably superfluous.

Nina Obelunas, a teacher at the Institute of Philology, Foreign Languages \u200b\u200band Media Communications of the KemSU, filed a lawsuit on February 17. The first meeting on her case is scheduled for March 9. She requires the university to recognize her dismissal as illegal, reinstate her at work, return all hours of the academic load in 2016-2017. and compensate for the days of forced absenteeism, as well as moral damage in the amount of 200 thousand rubles.

Nina Obeliunas is one of the few teachers who spoke out loud about the violation of their rights and decided to fight what she considers illegal. And the story of her dismissal in the fall of 2016 began.

Half a year teacher

“As a teacher, in connection with the end of my contract, I have to go through a competition,” says Nina. - I had an employment contract before January 27, 2017. The competition for my place was announced back in the summer of 2016, and I submitted the necessary documents accordingly ”. The first stage of the competition - voting at the department - took place on November 24. "My candidacy was recommended for further passage through the competition, that is, I was put forward for consideration by the Academic Council of our Institute of Philology, Foreign Languages \u200b\u200band Media Communications."

At the meeting of the academic council of the institute on December 27, Nina Obelunas was not elected. The next day, the teacher wrote a statement to the rector of the institute demanding to cancel the decision, since a huge number of mistakes were made in the election procedure. The rector agreed with the statement.

In addition, at this stage it turned out that my documents were incorrectly executed: everything was stuck in a list of publications and a report on the work done. When I prepared a new one (in five years, not three years), the academic secretary of the Academic Council of the KemSU refused to sign it for me. Although, as it turned out later, only my signature should be on this list, she says.

And on January 18, a second council of the institute was held, where Obelunas was elected by a majority of votes.

“But with one unexpected detail, for which I was not ready: the council decided to recommend concluding a contract with me by August 31, 2017. Despite the fact that the academic council of the institute cannot recommend to the employer the term for which I need to be elected - there is not a word about this in the text of the Regulation on the procedure for replacing the posts of teaching staff related to the teaching staff, ”she says.

Shift responsibility

Nina refused to sign such an agreement. And she explained her position to the employer in writing by the fact that she had not received notifications from the university about the change in the terms of the contract two months before the expiration of the contract, which is provided for in Article 332 of the Labor Code, so she believed that the new employment contract, like the previous one, would be concluded on term from three years. In addition, the "Sectoral agreement on organizations under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation for 2015-2017" states that "if a scientific and pedagogical worker successfully passed the competition, but subsequently the parties could not agree on an acceptable specific time an employment contract, an employment contract with such a person is concluded for an indefinite period. "

The university considered: they are right, and the teacher, if she believes that her rights have been violated, can go to court and the labor inspection.

At the same time, says Obeliunas, on January 26, the site published a schedule for the new semester with her last name, and on February 2, it was changed: the teacher's name disappeared from it. They also terminated the second labor contract, according to which Obelunas is engaged with students of one of the schools. With the same wording: due to expiration.

“Although this period has not expired. The labor relationship with the employer ends only on May 31st, ”she explains.

Students stood up for the teacher. They didn't just write words of support on social media and visit the teacher. The students tried to influence the situation. On February 8, they wrote a letter to the rector, asking them to return her classes to the schedule.

“On February 10, they met with the rector. The students said that the rector said: if next year the recruitment does not take place, the workload may not be enough for me, so I was obliged to sign the proposed employment contract, ”says the teacher.

Nina Obeliunas believes that the Labor Code guarantees her a certain minimum of rights, and the rector does not have the right to shift the risks of her activities onto her. “I think this is largely due to my personal position: for a long time at the university I have been standing across my throat,” she explains.

Complaints and protests

Nina Obelunas is known at the institute as a defender of the rights of students. In 2015, she wrote a statement to the city prosecutor's office asking to find out whether the students were legally removed from her couple to listen to the budget message of the governor of the Kemerovo region, Aman Tuleyev.

“The prosecutor's office supported me. The law prohibits campaigning on the territory of an educational institution. There are certain teaching rules. The students were removed from the pair by force. In fact, my class was disrupted, ”she explains her position.

A year later, in December 2016, students wrote a complaint to the rector about paint and varnish work during classes with Nina Obelunas. “I signed this statement for them to confirm that this fact took place, and advised, if they want to receive an answer, take it to the rector's office, where it should be registered,” says the teacher.

Photo: from the page of Nina Obelunas on facebook.com

After that, the Vice-Rector for Internal Affairs Maria Leukhova called the students to her place. Obelunas knows what happened at the meeting from the words of the students: “They were led to the idea that it was me who was to blame for the smell: I did not transfer the students to another audience, and even made them write a statement (or even wrote it myself). Although I do not understand why the university administration did not organize the transfer of couples, since they were aware that they would be undergoing repairs. The children were told that all guilty persons would be warned, and for Nina Vladimirovna, if she applied repressive measures to students, there would be an article according to which she could be fired.

And such an opportunity was found, says Obelunas. Now she does not work at the university, she is waiting for a response from the labor inspection and consideration of her case in court.

The university itself did not comment on the situation, noting that "the dismissal and placement of an employee is his own business." “Where a person works, where he gets a job and why he leaves - all this is personal data. The law prohibits disclosing this data, so you can get all the information from Obelunas herself, after the decision of the labor inspectorate, which she applied to, appears, ”said Lolita Ionova, head of the HR department.

Minus 1.5 million students

There is another side to the fact that the university needs to fire workers. The roadmap for education, adopted in 2014, calls for a reduction in the number of teachers. By 2018, there should be 12 students per teacher, while there were 10.2 students in 2013. And the very number of students in the country's universities over the same five years will decrease from 5.6 million to 4.1 million.

The Institute of Philology, Foreign Languages \u200b\u200band Media Communications appeared at the KemSU from this academic year. It was formed by the amalgamation of two faculties: philology and journalism and the faculty of Romano-Germanic philology.

“This year there will be 10 budget-funded places in journalism, and 13 in philology, although four years ago philologists had 40 budget-funded places. We quietly recruit a group of students of 20-25 people for journalism. But in philology, the situation is different. It is even more difficult for them to recruit students for the off-budget, ”says Obelunas.

In a situation of decreasing contingent, a reduction in teaching rates is inevitable.

If you need to officially reduce the teaching staff, then you need to do this according to the procedure provided for by law: with a mandatory two-month notice and subsequent compensation. These are serious costs for a university, - says Nina Obelunas.

According to TV2, in Tomsk universities there are similar stories with the dismissal of teachers.

According to Tomskstat, from 2010 to 2015 alone, the number of university students decreased from 81.9 thousand to 63.5 thousand. And the number of students graduated from 17.6 thousand to 13.8 thousand.

One more circumstance is superimposed on the reduction of the contingent. According to presidential decrees signed in May in 2012, by 2018 the average salary of university teachers and researchers should be twice the average salary in the region. According to official statistics, for 9 months of 2016, the salary of Tomsk teachers was at the level of 61.5 thousand rubles. With an average salary in the region - 35.3 thousand rubles. Often, in order to achieve the required indicators, universities cut some teachers and increase the workload on others.